[Sveinbjarnardóttir et al. 2008], Settlement of North Atlantic
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2008
Journal of the North Atlantic
1:1–15
Land in Landscapes Circum
Landnám
: An Integrated Study of
Settlements in Reykholtsdalur, Iceland
Guðrún Sveinbjarnardóttir
1,3
, Ian A. Simpson
2
, and Amanda M. Thomson
2
Abstract
- The initial settlement of Iceland in the 9th and 10th centuries AD was based on animal husbandry, with an em-
phasis on dairy cattle and sheep. For this activity, land resources that offered a range of grazing and fodder production
opportunities were required to sustain farmsteads. In this paper, the nature of land within the boundaries of settlements in
an area of Western Iceland centered on Reykholt, which became the estate of the writer and chieftain Snorri Sturluson in the
13th century, is analysed with a geographical information systems (GIS) approach. The results, combining historical, ar-
chaeological, and environmental data with the GIS-based topographic analysis, suggests that, although inherent land
qualities seem to have played a part in shaping the initial hierarchy of settlement in the area, it was the acquisition of
additional property and of access to resources outside the valley that ultimately pushed Reykholt to the forefront in the
hierarchical order.
Introduction
Appropriate land resources and their use at
different times of the year were an essential re-
quirement to support these activities (Vésteinsson
et al. 2002). An understanding of the attributes and
signi¿ cance of land during colonization and settle-
ment is therefore vital if we are to recognize the
way in which land resources were used to create
and maintain social structures. Despite an implicit
acknowledgment of the signi¿ cance of this, there
has been little attempt to characterize and explain
the role land qualities played during the emergence
of the early Icelandic cultural landscape. One aim of
this paper is to attempt to establish whether land at-
tributes inÀ uenced the initial settlement process and
its further development, and what this inÀ uence may
tell us about social organization in early Iceland.
The study area is centered on the Reykholt
estate in Reykholtsdalur, western Iceland,
at 21º17'W, 64º40'N, which has been the fo-
cus of the multidisciplinary Reykholt project
(www.snorrastofa.is). Extensive archaeological in-
vestigations have been carried out at the Reykholt
site (e.g., Sveinbjarnardóttir 2005b, 2006). The
area is delimited by the Hvítá River to the north
and the Reykjadalsá River and Steindórsstaðaöxl
and adjoining hills to the south (Figs. 1 and 2) and
covers 105.6 km
2
. It is 21 km from west to east
and 8.5 km at its widest point north to south.
The area was featured in a recent study of the
politics and development of early settlement pat-
terns in Iceland (Vésteinsson et al. 2002), where
settlements were divided into three categories based
on environmental type and access to resources. This
division into settlement types forms the basis for
the topographical analysis discussed in this paper.
The model is also put to the test, and the question
of why Reykholt became the most important and
Land—its quality, organization, and man-
agement—is an aspect of society-environment
relationships that has received little attention
until recently in studies of
landnám
(translated
as “land-take”), the period of initial settlement
and colonization of Iceland which, according to
Íslendingabók
(The Book of Icelanders)
1
and sup-
ported by archaeological discoveries, took place in
the 9th and 10th centuries AD (Benediktsson 1996,
Sveinbjarnardóttir 2004, Vésteinsson 1998)
.
Land
organization in southern and western Norway during
the Viking and Early Middle Ages, around the time of
the Icelandic
landnám
, was characterised by manor-
type estates controlled by a small elite and with a
larger dependent group retained to work the estate
(Stylegar 2002). Similar estates are thought to have
emerged in Orkney and Shetland (the Northern Isles)
during the Viking Age and Later Medieval Period
(Crawford and Balin-Smith 1999, Steinnes 1959).
Since Iceland was settled largely from Norway via the
Northern Isles, it seems fair to assume that a similar
type of land organization was also introduced to Ice-
land with settlement. Written sources, archaeological
surveys, and excavations indicate that the settlement
pattern in Iceland was that of individual farmsteads
placed at even intervals on the best farming land, with
households consisting of a single or several families
(Sveinbjarnardóttir 1992, Vésteinsson 1998), similar
to today’s rural settlement pattern. Supporting zooar-
chaeological evidence, coupled with remains of ani-
mal houses, indicates that subsistence strategies from
the outset were largely geared towards a reliance on
domestic livestock, initially with the main emphasis
on dairy cattle, and then increasingly on sheep (e.g.,
Amorosi
1996, Hermanns-Auðardóttir 1989).
1
Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 31-34 Gordon Square, London WC1H OPY, UK.
2
School of
Biological and Environmental Sciences, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK.
3
Corresponding author
- gudrun.s@ucl.ac.uk.
2
wealthiest farm in the valley in the medieval period
is explored. To achieve our aims, we place topo-
graphical (geographical information systems [GIS]
based) analyses into a thoroughly researched his-
Volume 1
torical (documentary source based), archaeological
(excavation and survey based) and environmental
(palaeoenvironmental studies based) context from
the Reykholtsdalur area.
Historical analyses
Figure 1. Location of Reykholtsdalur, western Iceland.
According to the Book of
Settlements (Landnámabók
2
)
and Egil’s Saga
3
, the area under
consideration formed part of the
huge land-take of the chieftain
Skallagrímr, one of the earliest
settlers in Iceland (Benediktsson
1968:71, Nordal 1933:73–74).
He soon gave or sold chunks
of this land to other settlers, in-
cluding one who took the tongue
of land between the rivers Hvítá
and Reykjadalsá, approximat-
ing the study area, and who
lived at Breiðabólstaður (13 on
Fig. 2; Benediktsson 1968:74).
Figure 2. Farm locations and settlement boundaries in the Reykholt region.
Journal of the North Atlantic
2008
G. Sveinbjarnardóttir, I.A. Simpson, and A.M. Thomson
3
The land in the valley which lies to the south of the
Reykjadalsá river formed part of the holdings of
two other initial settlers according to
Landnámabók
and is divided by the gorge Rauðsgil, by which one
of them lived (42 on Fig. 2); the other lived in the
adjoining valley further south. During subsequent
partitioning into farms, this land was divided into
a number of holdings, several of which became
the property of Reykholt at different times and are
therefore included in this study. Our sources for this
partitioning of the land are written sources of 12th
century date and later, and some archaeological
data (Table 1). Despite this lack of direct informa-
tion about the settlements in the valley before the
12th and 13th centuries, a number of inferences can
be made about the earlier settlement history.
The early establishment of the majority of the
farmsteads included in this study is supported by
indications supplied by the place-name evidence.
Of the thirty-four farms (Table 1), twenty have
topographic names (thought to be a sign of old
age), twelve end in –
staðir
(a common ending and
thought to point to early, important, but secondary
farms [Fellows-Jensen 1984:154, 159]), and one
suggests a lower status farm (Háfur [30], translated
as pocket net, indicating that ¿ shing in the Hvítá
river was practiced at this location). The –
bólstaður
element of what, according to
Landnámabók
,
was
the initial farm in the area, Breiðabólstaður (13), is
common in Western Norway (Olsen 1928) and the
Northern Isles, where it seems to have been active
from the beginning of the Viking Age until well into
the Medieval Period (Gammeltoft 2001).
Breiðabólstaður (13) is, as already mentioned,
named in
Landnámabók
as the farm of the earliest
settler in the area. Reykholt (15) is mentioned by
name in
Landnámabók
as a place attended for baths
by the inhabitants of Breiðabólstaður and again as
the residence of Þórður Sölvason who lived in the
11th century (Benediktsson 1968:78–9). Archaeo-
logical investigations at Reykholt have produced
10th- to 11th-century dates on barley grains for the
earliest occupation (Sveinbjarnardóttir et al. 2007).
A church, the excavation of which was completed
in 2007, seems to have been erected at Reykholt in
the 11th century
4
or shortly after the introduction of
Christianity in about A.D. 1000. It has been sug-
gested that Reykholt had already become a church
center (
staður
) by the early 12th century (Þorláksson
2000). It now seems clear that a church had been
established there well before that time. On the basis
of the above evidence, it is concluded that Reykholt
had been established by c. A.D. 1000 and that it was
an important site from the outset.
One indication of this early importance is the
fact that by about 1200 the initial farm in the area,
Breiðabólstaður (13), belonged to Reykholt, to-
gether with the neighbouring farms Hægindi (8)
and Norðurreykir (31), with the cottage Háfur (30)
being in the care of the church farmer. The earliest
preserved charter listing the property of the church at
Reykholt is a single sheet of calfskin thought to have
been written over the period from the second half of
the 12th century until c. 1300 (Gunnlaugsson 2000).
The above-mentioned property is not mentioned in
the earliest part of the charter, which is dated to the
1180s. On the other hand, the homeland and exten-
sive rights and privileges in various more distant
locations, for grazing, shieling activity, woodland,
and driftwood collection, are listed there (Sveinbjar-
nardóttir 2005b, in press). Grímsstaðir (16), which
had become the property of the Reykholt church by
1463, is mentioned in the 13th-century Sturlunga
saga, but the nature of the farm at that time or its earli-
est history is unknown. In the topographical analysis,
it is combined with the land of the Reykholt estate,
thus giving the 16th-century picture of its size.
Skáney (18), Sturlureykir (21), and Deildartunga
(23) are regarded as having been next in importance.
This determination is based on the value of the land
they occupied and the fact that all had annex churches
in the past, which, based on patterns elsewhere in the
country, is an indication of an independent farm estab-
lished early in the settlement process (Vé-steinsson
1998). Hurðarbak (28) is mentioned in the 13th-cen-
tury
Sturlunga saga
, but nothing is known about the
nature of the farm at that time or its earliest history.
Steindórsstaðir (10), which seems to have had an an-
nex church in the past and lies just outside the study
area, also falls into this category.
Along the same lines of inquiry, the remaining
12 settlements within the study area are less im-
portant and most only had one farm. They are all
mentioned in early sources and are all believed to
have been established as secondary farms, although
we do not know exactly when or in what order. Háls
(37) in the land of Kolslækur (36), together with
Vatn (49), in the land of Stóri Ás (47), which lies
just outside the study area, were abandoned in the
13th or 14th century. Archaeological investigations
have been carried out at Háls, which was never
reoccupied (Smith 1995). Research suggests a 10th-
century date for the earliest habitation at the site and
an indication that the locale was used as an iron-ex-
traction site in the 9th or early 10th century, before
it became a farm. The research also indicated that
the area occupied by Kolslækur/Háls (36/37), Sig-
mundarstaðir (35), Refsstaðir/Bolastaðir (33/34),
and Signýjarstaðir (32) was covered with forest
or brushwood in the past. There is a reference in a
place-name survey for Refsstaðir (The Árni Magnús-
son Institute for Icelandic Studies–The Place-Name
Collection. Hálsasveitarhreppur 3509. Refsstaðir)
to charcoal-making in the past in this area which
4
lies on the border between the two church seats and
large estates, Reykholt and Stóri Ás. The stretch
Journal of the North Atlantic
Volume 1
along the Hvítá River, between Stóri Ás (47) and
Norðurreykir (30), suffered bad erosion in the past,
Table 1. Earliest settled farms in the Reykholtsdalur area.
No.
Earliest
Date
on
written
(year or
Church /
map Site name
source
century)
chapel
References and other information
3 Hamrar
Deed
1380
DI 3:351-2.
Chapel?
Oral tradition. Pétursdóttir 2002:85.
4 Kleppjárnsreykir
Heiðarvíga saga
12th
5 Snældubeinsstaðir
Sturlunga saga
13th
6 Kjalvararstaðir
Landnáma
12th
Charter
1358
DI 3:122–3. Owned by Reykholt.
7 Kópareykir
Landnáma
12th
Charter
1463
DI 5:399–400. Owned by Reykholt.
10 Steindórsstaðir
Charter
c. 1185
Chapel
DI 1:280. Christian graves found.
Byggðir Borgarfjarðar II:293.
9 Vilmundarstaðir
Deed
1550
DI 11: 779, 785.
13 Breiðabólstaður
Landnáma
12th
Settlement farm
Charter
1206
DI 1:471. Part of Reykholt estate.
15 Reykholt
Landnáma
12th
Archaeological date: 10th–12th century.
List of priests
1143 Parish church DI 1:188–89. Páll Sölvason lived at Reykholt.
charter
1180s
DI 1: 279–280.
List of churches c
.
1200
DI 12:10.
Sturlunga saga
13th
8 Hægindi
Charter
1206
DI 1:471. Part of Reykholt estate.
31 Norðurreykir
Charter
1206
DI 1:471. Part of Reykholt estate.
30 Háfur
Charter
1206
DI 1:471. Part of Reykholt estate.
16 Grímsstaðir
Sturlunga saga
13th
Charter
1463
Owned by Reykholt
18 Skáney
Landnáma
12th
11th century brooch found in home ¿ eld.
Charter
1367 Annex church DI 3:222. Human bones found in home ¿ eld.
Þórðarson 1936:44–45.
21 Sturlureykir/
Deed
1463 Annex church DI 5:400.
Gullsmiðsreykir
28 Hurðarbak
Sturlunga saga
13th
23 Deildartunga
Deed
1178
DI 1:189.
Annex church Priest living at farm. Vésteinsson 2000b:98.
32 Signýjarstaðir
Landnáma
12th
34 Refsstaðir
Charter
1258
DI 1:593–4.
33 Bolastaðir
Charter
1590
AI II:204. Lay abandoned in 1590.
35 Sigmundarstaðir
Landnáma
12th
36 Kolslækur/
Landnáma
12th
37 Hálsar
Heiðarvíga saga
12th
Archaeological dates: mid-10th–late 13th century.
38 Uppsalir
Deed
1563
DI 15:157.
39 Hofstaðir
Landnáma
12th
40 Úlfstaðir
Landnáma
12th
42 Rauðsgil
Landnáma
12th
Settlement farm.
43 Búrfell
Deed
1563
DI 15:157.
44 Auðsstaðir
Landnáma
12th
47 Stóri Ás
Landnáma
12th
Settlement farm.
Charter
1258 Parish church DI 1:593–4.
49 Vatnskot
Charter
1258
DI 1:593–4. Abandoned in 13th century.
45 Giljar
Charter
1258
DI 1:593–4.
46 Augastaðir
Charter
1258
DI 1:593–4.
48 Hraunsás
Landnáma
12th
Charter
1463
DI 5:399–400. Half owned by Reykholt.
2008
G. Sveinbjarnardóttir, I.A. Simpson, and A.M. Thomson
5
probably largely as a result of over-exploitation of
the woodland.
It is clear from the above survey that the avail-
able sources cannot give an accurate picture of land
division in the study area at the time of settlement.
Human activity has only been archaeologically
dated at two sites, Reykholt and Háls, to c. A.D.
1000 and the late 9th centuries, respectively. The
earliest references to the other farms marked on the
map in Figure 2 are of 12th- and 13th-century dates
and later, which is, therefore, the true time period
reÀ ected in the topographical analysis presented be-
low. This settlement division is likely to go back to
earlier times, although this cannot be proven.
On the above basis, 16 land holdings are identi-
¿ ed in the study area (Fig. 2) that can be considered
as having been settled during the ¿ rst centuries of
farm establishment. Some of these holdings con-
tained more than one farm from early on (Table 1).
Several dependent farms are mentioned in sources
from the Later Medieval/Early Modern Period as
having been established on the larger holdings, some
of which were only occupied for a short period of
time. The earliest reference to most of these is in an
early 18th-century land survey (Jarðabók 1925 and
1927), although some may well be earlier.
The boundaries for the different land holdings
used in this study and illustrated in Figure 2, are
the ones used in Vésteinsson et al. (2002). They
are largely based on the 19th/early 20th century
Landamerkjabók
, which is a collection of bound-
ary documents of individual holdings compiled for
the sheriff of the area and still serves as the basis
for present property divisions. Other sources that
can throw light on earlier boundary lines are the
previously mentioned
Landnámabók
, which gives
some landmarks, medieval documents published
in the
Diplomatarium Islandicum
(DI) series, and
cartographic and ethnographic sources. Some of the
boundary-lines are more permanent than others and
therefore likely to have been in place unchanged
through the centuries, such as gorges, large boul-
ders used to de¿ ne line-of-sight limits, and the river
course at the valley bottom, although this has clearly
shifted somewhat through the centuries; others are
less permanent and therefore less reliable, such
as cairns and earthworks. Historically, the main
settlements seem to have been stable through the
centuries. On that basis and with due reservations,
these predominantly recent boundary lines are used
retrospectively to reÀ ect much earlier times.
The numbers in Figure 2 are the same as those
in Table 1, referring to the farmsteads on each
holding thought to have been occupied in the
first centuries of settlement. In the table, they are
grouped accordingly.
Archaeological and Palaeoecological Data
Archaeological survey has been carried out
in most of the study area (Pétursdóttir 2002;
Vésteinsson 1996, 2000a). A result that is of par-
ticular importance for this discussion is the apparent
stability of the farmhouse locations until very recent
times. In most cases, the present dwelling house has
been built on top of the old farm-mound, inevita-
bly causing severe damage to any older remains.
At about a third of the sites, the dwelling has been
moved down slope, to the valley bottom, but this
only happened around the middle of the last century.
It was also at that time when tremendous changes
took place in farming methods that until then seem
to have been to a large extent unchanged since the
beginning of settlement. Machines were for the ¿ rst
time used to dig drainage ditches, and large areas
were turned into ¿ elds, mostly for the cultivation of
grass used to feed the domestic animals on which the
Icelandic farming economy has always been based.
Prior to this expansion in activity, only a small area
around the farm had been levelled by hand and cul-
tivated, creating the in¿ eld, which was usually sur-
rounded by an enclosure. These old in¿ eld areas at
individual farms were planned in the ¿ rst quarter of
the 20th century, and the plans (
túnakort
) are kept in
the National Archives of Iceland in Reykjavík. The
fact that there was little change in farm locations
and the size of cultivated areas until after the middle
of the 20th century suggests that these plans give a
good picture of what the individual farms may have
been like physically in much earlier times.
Palaeoecological analysis was a part of the
archaeological excavations at Reykholt (Svein-
bjarnardóttir et al. 2007), and such investigations
have also been carried out in the vicinity of the site
(Gathorne-Hardy et al., in prep.). Pollen, insect, and
plant macro-analyses indicate that the main environ-
mental change in the valley after settlement was in
the woodland that covered the area, particularly the
higher slopes. Although there was a decline in the
woodland immediately after the initial settlement
period, as indicated by the
landnám
tephra layer
(dated to 871 ± 2 AD; Grönvold et al. 1995), it was
¿ rst drastically reduced between c. A.D. 1150 and
1300. Today the area is devoid of trees. Soils-based
evidence suggests an increase in soil wetness as-
sociated with this phase of vegetation cover change
(I. Simpson, unpubl. data). Some cereal was grown
locally during the initial period of habitation, but
by the 13th century there is no evidence of this in
the pollen record (Erlendsson 2007). These ¿ ndings
are supported by the written sources which men-
tion cereal cultivation at the site in the 1180s and
1224 charters (DI 1, 280, 471), but not in the 1358
charter (DI 3, 122–3). Neither shift seems to have
been linked to climatic deterioration, since climate
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